Inokuma Kaneki: Research in the Material Culture of the Old Japanese Royal Court

4:15-4:45 Prof. Inokuma Kaneki, Tokyo National Museum

“Research in the Material Culture of the Old Japanese Royal Court”

In the kind of class-structured society that existed in the pre-modern era, a person’s lifestyle corresponded to that person’s rank in the class hierarchy. Members of the court sought to pass down their ways of life to their descendants based on the formal manners and customs of the court, with the aim of preserving their special hierarchic status. The body of knowledge concerning these formal customs is known as 有職 (yūsoku). The essential aim of the court’s formal customs was to maintain order in the hierarchy. Courtiers were kept in line by their bureaucratic position, class, and ancestry. This order was physically embodied in the practice of ceremonial rituals that made use of the palace, furnishings, and costumes. In other words, the buildings, implements and clothing of the court were not only tools but also articles of material culture that, through their form and design, had the social function of signifying a courtier’s position and lineage, and the state of court ceremonial. As such the style of the court was formed through these articles of material culture. This use of material culture to differentiate between members of society and ceremonial events is a universal phenomenon that can be seen throughout world history.

It is particularly marked, however, in 礼制 (J: reisei, C: lǐzhì, or the system of protocol) that developed in ancient China. The form of government of the Chinese court, called 朝廷 (J: chōtei, C: cháotíng), which was based on the principles of protocol, was not only passed down to successive dynasties in China. Since it was a universal system of government that spread to the Japanese archipelago, the Korean peninsula, the Vietnam region, and the Ryūkyū Islands, the Chinese court style also influenced courts in other parts of Eastern Asia.

My discussion of the style of the monarch’s court in Japan is divided into the categories of rituals 祭祀 (saishi), the New Year’s Imperial Greeting ceremony 朝賀 (J:Chōga, C:Cháohè), and official events 公事 (kuji).  1)  祭祀 (saishi) The items of material culture used in the 大嘗祭 (Daijō-sai), or Great Food Offering ceremony were devices intended to project ancient customs. By preserving them, those ancient customs have been passed on down to the present day. 2)  朝賀 (Chōga) In embodying the principles of the chōtei court, the court style was formed by material culture such as palaces, furnishings and costumes that imitated items used in the Chinese icourt of the Tang Dynasty. 3) 公事 (kuji) The characteristics of era, region and ethnicity in courtesy-based East Asian imperial courts are most apparent in their inner courts (private space). In Japan’s inner court, annual events of the season emerged to form a court culture that was rich in elegance.

日本の宮廷を対象とする物質文化的研究

前近代の階層社会では階層ごとの生活様式が形成されており、公家階層が構成する宮廷では宮廷礼法に基づく生活様式が伝承された。この宮廷礼法の知識体系を有職という。宮廷礼法の要点は身分秩序の維持にあり、その秩序は宮廷人の官職・階級・家柄などによって正され、殿舎・調度・服飾などを用いた宮廷行事を実践するなかで形而下的に具現された。即ち、宮廷における建築・器物・衣服は生活用具であるばかりでなく、その形式や意匠によって宮廷人の身分地位や宮廷行事の状態などを表象する社会的機能を有する物質文化であり、それらによって宮廷様式が形成されていた。このように物質文化を用いて社会構成員の差別や儀式行事の状態を表象する行為は、古代中国で発達した礼制における顕著な現象であった。礼制の理念に基づいた朝廷という政治体制は中国の歴代王朝に継承されたばかりでなく、日本列島・朝鮮半島・越南地域・琉球諸島などにも普及した普遍的政体であるので、中国の宮廷様式は東アジア各地の宮廷にも影響を及ぼした。以上のような趣旨を踏まえて、本研究では日本の宮廷様式を祭祀系・朝賀系・公事系に分類する。

①祭祀系：大嘗祭に用いられた物質文化は古い習俗を投影する装置であり、これらによって太古の習俗が現代まで伝承された。

②朝賀系：朝廷の理念を具現するために、唐の宮廷で用いられていた物質文化の形式に基づいた宮廷様式が整備された。

③公事系：礼制に基づく東アジア宮廷では内廷に時代・地域・民族の特色が現出する。日本の内廷では年中行事が発達して雅趣に富んだ宮廷文化が形成された。

Nadia Kanagawa: What Should Be In a Name: Petitioning the Sovereign to Change Names and Titles in Early Classical Japan

3:30-4:00 Nadia Kanagawa, USC

“What Should Be In a Name: Petitioning the Sovereign to Change Names and Titles in Early Classical Japan”

Over the course of the Nara period, nearly ten thousand Yamato subjects petitioned for and received new names and titles from the sovereign. Designations were critical markers of status and belonging in the classical state, and receiving the grant of a new name or title was not only a point of direct contact with the sovereign but also an important way to maneuver for higher rank and office. While many scholars have examined name and title systems as part of the process by which Yamato sovereigns consolidated their power and configured the people of their realm, far fewer have considered how the many subjects who actively participated in these systems understood their logic and purpose. The sources for such a study are admittedly limited, but among the hundreds of records of name and title changes in the official chronicles there are a handful of entries that include the petition submitted to request the change. This paper focuses on these petitions, using a close reading of the justifications that they give to gain insight into how individual subjects interpreted and responded to state policy on designations.

古代日本の改賜姓請願の中にみる「氏姓」について

奈良時代に天皇の勅による改賜姓を受けた人々が一万人を超える。古代日本において、「姓」は身分や階級と密接に関係していた。天皇に姓を授与されることは、天皇との密接な繋がりを示し、官位の昇進のために非常に大切な事だった。これまでの多くの研究は、大和政権の政治的体制を確立していく過程における氏姓制度の意義を問題としているが、ここでは氏姓制度に自主的に参加した人民側からこの制度の目的と論理を考えてみたい。このための歴史史料は少ないが、『六国史』の多くの改賜姓記事の中ではいくつかの改賜姓請願の例も含まれている。この発表ではその改賜姓の請願の根拠に焦点を当てることによって、国家の政策に対する人民の理解と対応を明らかにしたい。

Sakurada Marie: The Royal Consort Before the Ritsuryô System

2:45-3:15 Sakurada Marie, Meiji University

“The Royal Consort Before the Ritsuryô System”

It is the common opinion that the kisaki (royal consort), the title for a wife of the tennô in the time before the implementation of the ritsuryô system, supports the theory that the title ôkisaki, referring to the tennô’s legal wife, was a predecessor of the title kôgô (senior queen-consort), later changing into a clear hierarchy. However, per examination of ôkisaki in historical records prior to the implementation of the ritsuryô system, ôkisaki did not mean “legal wife.”  For that reason, ôkisaki was not the predecessor of the title kôgô. Additionally, in the Nihon shoki, titles for “legal wife” besides kisaki are listed under the ritsuryô system. Those titles, however, were not all utilized equally under the ritsuryô system, and the Nihon shoki record does not demonstrate a clear hierarchy under kisaki. Further, without the existence of the legal wife term ôkisaki, one can say that a clear hierarchy for kisaki under the ritsuryô system did not exist. Nevertheless some royal consorts possessed an influential voice, could be enthroned as a female sovereign, or were chosen to preside over retainers like the tennô. While this was not the case for all royal consorts, at times when the post of tennô was vacant the influence of the royal consort is clear. Thus, one can consider that the royal consort had a different status than under the ritsuryô system. I will consider how the royal consort before the ritsuryô system did not exist as ôkisaki. The administrative code created a different hierarchy. And yet, it is true that some royal consorts exercised a forceful voice within the court and could be enthroned as a female sovereign.

Scans of documents used in Sakurada's research to demonstrate readings and definitions of particular titles prior to the Ritsuryô.

律令制以前の天皇のキサキについて

律令制以前の天皇の妻＝キサキは、通説では「皇后」の前身で天皇嫡妻の「大后」（＝オオキサキ）とそれを支える制度によって、明確に序列化されているとみなされてきた。しかし、律令制以前の史料にみえる「大后」という語句を検討してみると、その語句に嫡妻という意味はない。そのため、「大后」は「皇后」の前身ではない。また、『日本書紀』には、嫡妻以外のキサキにも律令制下のような称号が付されている。しかし、そのような称号を検討してみると、必ずしも律令制下と同様の観念では使用されておらず、『日本書紀』からはキサキの間に序列があったことを証明することはできない。以上のように、天皇の嫡妻たる「大后」は存在せず、ほかのキサキの間にも律令制下のような序列は存在しないといえる。とはいえ、キサキには発言力を持ったり、女帝として即位したりした人物もいる。そのようなキサキを検討してみると、天皇と同様にキサキが群臣推戴によって選ばれていること、それがすべてのキサキではないこと、天皇空位時に特定のキサキが発言力を行使していることがみうけられる。つまり、キサキには、律令制下とは異なる序列が存在したと考えられるのである。以上のように、律令制以前のキサキは、通説のような「大后」は存在しないものの、令制とは異なる序列が存在し、それにより特定のキサキが発言力を行使したり、女帝として即位したりしたのである。

Satô Kenri: How Does the Archeological Record Help Us Understand Human Groupings: A Comparison of Ceramic Forms and the Design of Human Habitations

1:45-2:15 Satô Kenri, Meiji University

“How Does the Archeological Record Help Us Understand Human Groupings: A Comparison of Ceramic Forms and the Design of Human Habitations”

This paper approaches prehistoric human groups from archaeological records.  Japanese archaeologists have assumed that spatial distribution of pottery that was regionally distinctive and continuously changed was a representation of a human group. Behind this assumption is the large quantity of prehistoric pottery of various time periods that have been excavated all over Japan. Japanese archaeologists have classified the prehistoric pottery of Japan into numerous types representing different regional and chronological phases, based on the morphology, surface decoration, production techniques, and assemblages. In this presentation, I discuss the case of the southern Kantō region of eastern Japan during the Late Yayoi Period (first to third centuries A.D.).  In this region at that time, while the Kugahara type pottery characterized by cord-marked surface was distributed in the coastal region of the Tokyo Bay, the Chōkōjibara type pottery characterized by a comb pattern was distributed in heights to the west of the Tokyo Bay region.  It is noteworthy that the Chōkōjibara type pottery is always found in association with the Kugahara type pottery.  In order to account for this interesting phenomenon, several hypotheses have been proposed, the most convincing of which is that two human groups originating from different regions resided together in a single settlement. I consider this hypothesis problematic because the evidence for it is nothing more than pottery.  I argue that semi-subterranean houses should be taken into consideration when studying this phenomenon.

In my analysis, I have classified semi-subterranean houses into different types based on the floor area and structure, and I have investigated the spatial and temporal distributions of each type of semi-subterranean houses.  As a result, a type of semi-subterranean houses with multiple fireplaces correlates closely with to the types of pottery bearing a comb pattern, including the Chōkōjibara type.  This suggests to me the possibility that the construction plan of semi-subterranean houses is also evidence for distinguishing human groups, along with pottery types.  If this is indeed the case, it is possible to speculate the nature of human groups in the absence of pottery.  Correlations between pottery types and types of semi-subterranean houses should be tested against more data in other regions and time periods.

考古資料から人間集団をどう把握するか？土器型式と住居設計原理の比較

本発表では、考古資料から先史時代の人間集団をどのように把握できるのかを考える。
日本列島では、先史時代の土器が多数発掘され、その研究の蓄積も多数にのぼる。特に、土器群の形態・装飾・製作技術・組成などに関する時期と地域ごとの差異を基準として、多数の土器型式が設定されている。これまで、ある土器型式群が型式学的に連続し、なおかつ隣接地域の土器型式群と顕著な違いがある場合、それぞれを異なる人間集団と考える傾向が強かった。

本発表では、弥生時代後期（AD１～３世紀）における東日本の南関東を対象とする。東京湾沿岸では縄文の帯で文様構図を描く久ケ原（くがはら）式土器、その西側の丘陵地帯では櫛描文が盛んに用いる朝光寺原（ちょうこうじばら）式土器が分布する。しかし、後者では、常に久ケ原式土器も共存するため、それぞれの集落の人間集団をどのように考えるか、いくつかの仮説が提出されている。そのうち、出自の異なる２集団が集落内で共存するとみる仮説が有力視されてきた。しかし、土器だけから人間集団を把握するのは問題がある。この地域に多数存在するもう一つの考古資料が竪穴住居であり、この問題を考えるには竪穴住居も取り上げるべきだと、私は考える。
本発表では、その竪穴住居を取り上げて集団の把握を試みる。はじめに、住居の構造から住居型式を設定し、その空間的・時間的な広がりを分析した。その結果、複数の炉をもつ特徴的な住居設計原理が、櫛描文を持つ土器型式と密接な関わりがあることが判明した。すなわち、土器型式と同様に、住居の設計原理も特定の集団と結びつく可能性を示したのである。さらに、土器が出土しない場合でも、住居型式からその設計・居住者を特定できる可能性も示すことができた。今後は、土器型式と住居型式との相関をさらに検討する必要がある。

Doi Shôhei: The Process of Regional Unification in Eastern Peripheral Japan in the Third Century A.D.

1:00-1:30 Doi Shôhei, Meiji University

“The Process of Regional Unification in Eastern Peripheral Japan in the Third Century A.D.”

Presentation Abstract: It was during the Kofun Period that various regions of Japan came to be unified through the sharing of sets of mortuary rituals associated with the construction of keyhole-shaped mounded tombs. Japanese archaeologists interpret these keyhole-shaped mounded tombs as elite burials because of their very rich goods deposited with the dead and because of their large mounds and burial chambers.  Furthermore,  Japanese archaeologists have previously considered that local regions came to be unified under the leadership of the highest- and higher-ranking chiefs residing in the central Kinki region, historically referred to as the Kinai. In recent years, however, Japanese archaeologists have recognized that the processes involved in changing and unifying sets of mortuary rituals were regionally distinctive in peripheral regions of Japan, such as Kyushu, Hokuriku on the Sea of Japan coastal region of central Japan, and northeastern Honshu.  Accordingly, it is important to understand regional variations of the transformation processes of mortuary rituals. In this presentation I examine the unification process in the Kanto region of eastern Japan, at the time when Kofun culture was penetrating the region from the west. That process was distinct from the unification processes of western Japan.  To demonstrate that, I consider the following: 1) holes drilled through the bottom of pottery vessels after they were fired; 2) large storage jars offered at mortuary rituals; and 3) pottery vessels placed as if to enclose a tomb.  I trace how these attributes diffused and were accepted locally.

As a result of my analysis, I have discovered that in the middle stage of the Early Kofun Period (early fourth century A.D.), mortuary customs of different local regions came to be mixed. Prior to this stage, each local region maintained locally unique mortuary customs.  In the middle stage, however, local regions adopted different mortuary customs originating from other local regions, thereby transforming their own mortuary customs. This phenomenon can be interpreted as an element of the regional unification process from the standpoint of mortuary archaeology. It is very important to note, however, that the direction of diffusion was not one way.  Already in the Late Yayoi Period (the first to early third centuries A.D.) local regions interacted with one another, and this phenomenon of the middle stage of the Early Kofun Period was, I believe, the continuation of inter-regional interaction among local regions since the Late Yayoi Period.  Furthermore, tombs that had incorporated different styles of mortuary rituals originating from different regions were keyhole-shaped with a square rear mound, or they were larger than other neighboring tombs. It is likely that locally influential people were buried in these tombs. I conclude that diffusion of different mortuary customs, their local adoption, and subsequent transformation of mortuary customs at small- and medium-sized tombs at the time of the construction of large mounded tombs was a result of the unification of local regions that had existed since the Late Yayoi Period.

Keni'ichi Sasaki: Archaeological Investigations of the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb

12:15-12:45Prof. Sasaki Ken'ichi, Meiji University
"Archaeological Investigations of the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb”

Abstract from the Presentation: I will report on the major results of analysis of haniwa ceramic figurines excavated at the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb in southern Ibaraki Prefecture, 50 miles northeast of Tokyo.  I excavated the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb in March and August, 2015, and discovered large quantities of haniwa ceramic figurines. The most notable are a fairly complete haniwa ceramic model of a house and three fairly complete haniwa ceramic figurines of female shamans. In comparison to other examples of haniwa ceramic models of houses, the Dainichizuka find is a model of a residential structure, rather than a storehouse or ritual structure. This distinction is based on the existence of two windows, as opposed to only one window for a storehouse, and walls that support the roof, rather than pillars. More than five ledges are typical of the Ibaraki region in the late sixth century. And as to haniwa ceramic figurines of female shamans, the morphology of apricot-shaped eyes is typical of the Lake Kasumigaura region, and distinguished from the central Ibaraki region, where the bottom line of the eye is straight. The hair style of the three viewed from the top looks like a fundō weight of a Tokugawa-period balance. This hair style is typical of the Kanto region in the late sixth century.  These observations all support a previous interpretation that the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb was built at some point in the late sixth century.

The USC-Meiji 2017 Exchange Schedule

2017 USC-Meiji University Exchange

March 17-18, 2016

2016 Meeting of the Meiji University-USC Exchange
International Symposium

Ken'ichi Sasaki: April 2015 Lecture Series

April 20-21, 2015

flier
Prof. Ken'ichi SASAKI (Meiji University)
Lecture Series
State Formation in the Center and Eastern Periphery of Kofun Period Japan

April 20:
Talk 1: Japanese theories of state formation
Talk 2: Appearance of keyhole-shaped tumuli in the middle and late third century
4:00 - 6:00 PM, WPH 204

April 21:

Talk 3: Distribution of iron armor in the fifth century and its political significance
Talk 4: Corridor-style burial chambers and clustered tumuli in the sixth century
4:30 - 6:30 PM, East Asian Seminar Room (Doheny Library)

Nojiri Yasuhiro: An Introduction to Tokugawa-period Documentary Sources

An Introduction to Tokugawa-period Documentary Sources 江戸時代の古文書を求めて
NOJIRI Yasuhiro, Professor of History, Meiji University 野尻泰弘

Understanding the people of the Edo Period (1600-1867) starts with reading the old records of that time. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the study of Early Modern Japan equals the reading of these old records. In this brief presentation, I am concerned with the characteristics and current state of preservation of Edo-period manuscripts, especially those that have been passed down in villages. There is much investigation of such records now under way, and such investigation offers basic training for those just beginning their research.   

江戸時代の人々の動向を知るには、古文書を読むことからすべてが始まる。近世史研究＝古文書を読む、といっても過言ではない。本報告では、江戸時代の古文書の特徴や保存管理の現状、古文書の調査について概要を述べることにする。なお、対象とするのは、村に伝来した古文書である。村の古文書は、数量も多く、現在も各地で調査が行われている。そういった調査は、研究を始める者たちが訓練を積む良い機会にもなっている。

Powerpoint presentation

Makino Atsushi: Women that Had Buddhist Rituals Conducted, Seen in the Tenpōrinshō Manuscript at the National Museum of Japanese History

Women that Had Buddhist Rituals Conducted, Seen in the Tenpōrinshō Manuscript at the National Museum of Japanese History 法会を営む女性―国立歴史民俗博物館所蔵『転法輪鈔』を中心に
MAKINO Atsushi, Professor of Literature, Meiji University 牧野淳司

Tenpōrinshō , which means “Expounding the Buddha’s Turning the Wheel of the Law,”  is a compilation of statements of intent (hyôbyaku) meant to be read out at the beginning of a Buddhist rite to proclaim its purpose to all present. The compilation was begun by the late Heian-period Tendai-school monk Chōken (1126-1203) but it was completed later by Chōken’s son, Shōgaku (1167-1235) in the Kamakura Period. Originally there were over 664 sections, but only one of those is extant today. The National Museum of Japanese History has four folded books of the work that I have been fortunate to be able to study. Tenpōrinshō is made up of a great variety of statements of intent, but the National Museum of Japanese History copy has declarations of female benefactors. In this presentation, I will report on my reading of these rarely utilized materials that are of significant interest to literature specialists, historians, art historians, and other researchers. I want to demonstrate the value of these historical sources, which will be published together with a synopsis of research in the near future.

『転法輪鈔』は、平安時代末期の天台僧であった澄憲が作成した表白（法会開催の趣旨を述べた文章）を集めた編纂物で、澄憲の子である聖覚の手によって、鎌倉時代に成立した。全部で六百六十四帖以上あったと考えられるが、現存するのはその一部である。国立歴史民俗博物館には四帖の『転法輪鈔』が所蔵され、発表者はこれを研究する機会に恵まれた（本文と解題的研究はまもなく公になる予定である）。『転法輪鈔』は多種多様な表白を収録しているが、国立歴史民俗博物館本には女性が施主となった法会の表白がいくつか含まれる。今回の発表では、それらの表白から読み取れることを報告してみたい。『転法輪鈔』は、日本文学・日本史学・美術史など、さまざまな分野からの読解が可能と思われるが、あまり利用されているとは言えない。発表者は、表白の資料的価値をさまざまな側面から見出していきたいと考えている。

Presentation Handout

Sutō Ayumi: The Retired Go-Shirakawa Tennô and Imayō— Imayō-matching Contests in the Kikki Journal, 1179

The Retired Go-Shirakawa Tennô and Imayō—
Imayō-matching Contests in the Kikki Journal, 1179 後白河院と今様合—『吉記』における承安四年「今様合」を中心に
SUDÔ Ayumi
須藤あゆ美

In Jishō 3 (1179) a serious incident occurred. Taira no Kiyomori took Retired Monarch Go-Shirakawa, the de facto ruler at the time, to the Toba Detached Palace and put him under house arrest. The Engyōbon, one of the Heike monogatari variants, includes an episode entitled, “The Retired Monarch under House Arrest,” and it depicts the heartbroken Go-Shirakawa. In this episode, Go-Shirakawa compares his current miserable state with the blessed events that he had experienced in the past — sightseeing, pilgrimages, and celebratory ceremonies — and the retired monarch is overwhelmed with sorrow. Here, it is noteworthy that Go-Shirakawa chooses imayō-song-matching contests as a blessed occasion, indicating how such events symbolized his glorious and joyful past.

Imayō was a popular song style that became prevalent during the late Heian Period when retired monarchs led the court. Throughout his life Go-Shirakawa was fascinated by imayō. He sponsored an imayō-song-matching contest at his Hōjūji mansion that lasted for fifteen nights, beginning on the first day of the ninth month in Jōan 4 (1174). For this event he selected thirty senior nobles who were adept at imayō, divided them into two groups each night. He had them sing imayō while competing against each other. Then on the thirteenth day a musical performance was held after the contest. Contemporary sources — the courtier journals Kikki and Kujo Kanezane’s Gyokuyō, the female attendant’s memoir Tamakiwaru, and the didactic tale Yoshino Kissui-in gakusho — all provide detailed information. Among them, Kikki offers particularly valuable records about the thirty senior nobles as well as the outcome of their imayō matches.

Presentation Powerpoint

Presentation Handout

治承三年、平清盛が、院政期最後の治天の君である後白河院を鳥羽殿へ監禁するという事件が起こる。延慶本『平家物語』第二本三四「法皇ノ御棲幽ナル事」では、後白河院が遊覧や参詣、祝賀の儀式など過去にあっためでたきことを回想し、幽閉の現状と対比することで、悲しみにくれる場面がある。それらめでたきことの一つとして、「今様合」が挙げられているのは注目すべきである。「今様合」が後白河院の栄華や喜びの象徴であるといえる。
今様とは、院政期に都で大流行した歌謡で、この今様に生涯魅了され続けたのが後白河院であった。後白河院は、承安四年（1174）九月一日より十五夜にわたり御所である法住寺殿において「今様合」を開催する。承安四年「今様合」は、今様に堪能な公卿三十人を選んで毎夜一番ずつ歌い合わせて勝敗を決めるもので、十三日には「今様合」の後に管絃の御遊が催された。その詳細は『吉記』『玉葉』『たまきはる』などの官僚や女房の日記、音楽説話集『吉野吉水院楽書』などに記されている。それらの史料の中でも、『吉記』の記事では、参加した公卿三十人の名とその勝敗が知られる。

本発表では、後白河院主催の承安四年「今様合」に参加した人物に注目し、この今様合が彼らにとってどのような役割を果たしたのかについて考察する。また、今様合によって後白河院と参加した公卿たちが、あるいは公卿同士が、どのような関係性を結んでいったのかについて言及してみたい。

Igarashi Motoyoshi: Control Over Trade with the Emishi People of the Northeastern Frontier in Ritsuryo Times

Control Over Trade with the Emishi People of the Northeastern Frontier in Ritsuryo Times 律令制下における蝦夷支配と交易
IGARASHI Motoyoshi, Ph.D. Candidate in History, Meiji University 五十嵐基善

The central government of classical Japan under the ritsuryô code could not maintain strong control over people residing on the northern frontier, in northeastern Honshu and Hokkaido. These people were called “Emishi” by the Kinai government. To expand its territory and conquer the Emishi, the central government made several attempts to invade the northern frontier between the seventh and ninth centuries.

It is important to note, however, that both sides needed the other as a trading partner. The Emishi people loyally paid tribute to the central government and in return obtained cloth and iron from the central government. From the standpoint of the center, not only was the order of the government maintained owing to the Emishi people obeying its directives, but the central government also obtained horses, sea weed, and furs from the Emishi.

Indeed, the central government was able to procure hard-to-obtain items from the north. For example from the Emishi people residing in Hokkaido the central government imported skins and feathers of animals and birds that did not inhabit in mainland Japan. These rare items were not only used in rituals in the capital, but they also served as prestige goods to be gifted to influential elites. Although these rare items were originally meant to be markers of loyal tribute to the central government, they became trade items over time. So while the Emishi people were seen as subjects by the central government, at the same time they were important trading partners.

Presentation handout

古代における日本列島の北辺地域（北海道・東北地方）は、日本の律令制国家による支配が十分に及んでいない地域であった。律令制国家は、服属していない集団を蝦夷と呼称し、華夷思想を背景として支配するべき存在として設定した。律令制国家は、蝦夷を服属させることにより支配領域を拡大し、7世紀から9世紀にかけて侵略性を持つ北方進出を展開していった。

しかし、律令制国家と蝦夷の関係には、共存性があったことにも注目しなければならない。蝦夷は朝貢により服属を示すが、律令制国家から返礼として布・鉄などを入手した。律令制国家からすると、蝦夷の服属により国家秩序が維持されただけではなく、馬・昆布・毛皮などを入手することができた。このように、両者は支配・被支配の関係にあるものの、交易を通して相互に依存していたことが特徴である。

律令制国家からすると、列島の北辺地域は貴重な産物を入手するために重要であった。特に、北海道の渡嶋蝦夷との交易では、本州に生息しない動物の皮・羽などを入手していた。これら北方の産物は、中央の儀式に用いられるようになっただけではなく、有力者の権威を誇示する要素としても機能した。本来は服属を示す政治的な朝貢品であったが、次第に交易としての性格を強めていった。律令制国家は、蝦夷を支配対象として認識していたが、重要な交易相手でもあったのである。

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Jesse Drian: Multiple Identitied of the Itsukushima Deity in the Nagatobon Tale of the Heike

Multiple Identitied of the Itsukushima Deity in the Nagatobon Tale of the Heike 『長門本平家物語』における厳島大明神の多数のイメージ
Jesse Drian, Doctoral Candidate in East Asian Languages and Culture, USC

Itsukushima Shrine was the tutelary shrine of the Ise Taira, but the Nagatobon Heike monogatari is the only version of the Tale of Heike to include an account of the origins of the shrine. Despite the regional focus of the Nagatobon Heike monogatari on the areas around Kyushu and the Seto Inland Sea, I will suggest that the correlations made between the Itsukushima deity and other sacred sites and persons create a network of associations that emphasize Itsukushima’s importance beyond the local region. Building on earlier scholarship describing the physical networks connecting Itsukushima with the religious communities and ideas of Mt. Kōya, Mt. Hiei, and Kamakura, I will analyze the symbolic significance of the networks of associations in depicting an Itsukushima deity that had multiple identities. More specifically I will demonstrate that the networks and identities of the Itsukushima deity given in the Nagatobon Heike monogatari portray the deity as a protector of the realm, through both the deity’s identity as a military deity, as a protector of Buddhism, as by connecting Itsukushima with the religious practices of the central government.

厳島神社が伊勢平氏の氏神にも関わらず、『平家物語』の諸本 を見れば、『長門本平家物語』の「厳島次第事」しか厳島神社の縁起を詳しく物語らない。『長門本平家物語』は瀬戸内海や九州における地方的な特色があるが、この発表では、私は『長門本』に示唆されている厳島と他の霊場、神、聖人との関係が連想ネットワークを表現する。これまでの研究を一歩進めて、連想ネットワークによって提示された厳島大明神の多数のイメージを考察したい。特に注目したいことは、『長門本平家物語』が軍神と仏法を守る神だけでなく、幕府の宗教的政策と関係づけた神としても厳島大明神の鎮護国家の役割を強調することのである。

Sachiko Kawai: Was Medieval Estate Management Gendered? Nyoin and In as Proprietors in the Heian and Kamakura Periods

Was Medieval Estate Management Gendered? Nyoin and In as Proprietors in the Heian and Kamakura Periods
ジェンダー的視点から中世荘園経営を考える：平安・鎌倉期の女院と男院の比較を通して
Sachiko Kawai, Doctoral Candidate in History, USC

Late twelfth- and thirteenth-century retired queen consorts (nyoin) inherited and accumulated many estates, which gave them opportunities to wield economic, religio-political, and military power. Although scholarship concerning nyoin and their property has advanced recently, it rarely examines how being a woman influenced methods of proprietary estate management. So in this presentation I want to explore how gender shaped nyoin strategies in collecting dues and maintaining their estates. Based on the premise that not all royal women’s actions were gendered as “female,” I carefully investigate overall nyoin strategies while examining other intersecting factors such as socio-political privileges, inheritance patterns, and religious practices. Through a close analysis of royal orders, entries in courtier journals, wills, and Buddhist prayers, I argue that late-Heian and Kamakura nyoin enhanced their ability to control their estates by acquiring letters of support from senior retired monarchs who held decision- making power at court. They also often used strategies that conformed to the non-reproductive roles of unmarried daughters, such as adopting royal offspring and memorializing deceased family members. Ironically, however, the endeavors of individual women sometimes supported the existing institutional practices that ultimately curtailed royal women’s inheritance. By examining the eventual disappearance of large female landholders toward the end of the Kamakura Period, I argue that decisions about management and inheritance by several nyoin were driven by larger institutional forces. Those decisions ultimately sustained gender disparity within premodern monarchical and familial power structures.

十二世紀後期から十三世紀にかけて、女院が多くの荘園を相続・蓄積し、大荘園領主として経済力・政治力・宗教的影響力をもつ可能性を秘めていたこは既に指摘されている。しかし、女性であるということが、女院の所領経営方法にどう影響を与えたのかについては、あまり研究されていない。また、本所レベルの経営はどれも同じだという意見さえ耳にするが、全く男女差はなかったのだろうか。今回の報告では、荘園における問題解決方法にジェンダー差があったのか、もしそうであれば、ジェンダーが女院領経営及び伝領にどう関わっていたのかについて考察する。

女院庁下文、古記録、置文、告文などの中世史料を分析すると、女院の所領経営方法には、いくつかジェンダー的要素があったように見受けられる。例えば、女院が治天の君である男院にサポートの院宣を出してもらって本所間相論を解決する例は、王家内のジェンダー的力構造を表している。また、女院庁と男院庁の構成要素の相違や、不婚内親王女院の菩提を弔う役割が、公事の配分方法にどう影響したかについて考えることも大切である。女院の行動が必ずしも「女性」的行為と判断できない点に留意しながら、荘園経営に関わるその他の要素（社会・政治的特権や宗教的活動など）も考慮し、女院の所領経営の特徴を見ていきたい。

興味深いことに、女院が膨大な荘園を相続・経営するという現象は、十四世紀後半には見られなくなる。荘園を維持し、所領に付属する役割を遂行しようとする努力を続けてきた平安後期から鎌倉期の女院は、皮肉にも、次世代の王家女性の相続権を制限する行為に出てしまうこともあった。王家構成員の相続権の変化に焦点をあてながら、王権や家族・女院という制度がどう個々の女性の行動や決断に影響を及ぼしたのかについても検討したい。

Dan Sherer: The Azuchi Shûron, A Reassessment

The Azuchi Shûron, A Reassessment
 安土宗論に関する史料再検討 Dan SHERER, Doctoral Candidate in History, USC

In 1579 a debate was held at Oda Nobunaga’s residential castle of Azuchi between monks of the Buddhist Pure Land and Nichiren sects. The result of the “Azuchi Religious Debate” was a Pure Land victory, and in the aftermath of the loss, one Nichirenist priest and two of his patrons were beheaded. The Kyoto Nichiren temples were also forced to sign humiliating concessions of defeat and pay hefty fines.

    The consensus view of the Azuchi Religious Debate for over a century has been that the whole affair was a sham, either planned from the start by Nobunaga or cunningly arranged by him during the process. While studies of the participants in the debate, the results of the debate, and even the fundraising to pay the fines has attracted much scholarly attention since the second world war, the debate itself has largely been ignored since Tsuji Zennosuke’s landmark study in the 1910s. This talk will reassess the primary sources as categorized by Tsuji, focusing on the nature of these texts and how they can be used. Using these and sources not then available allows us to reassess Tsuji’s reconstruction of the debate and the issue of how the event fits into Oda Nobunaga’s relationship with the Nichiren sect.

天正 七年 （１５７９）五月二十七 日、織田信長居城の安土城で日蓮宗と浄土宗の僧侶は宗論をし た。世にいう「安土宗論」である。その結果は浄土宗の勝利で、日蓮宗の僧侶一人・檀那二人が信長に首を刎ねられて、京都の日蓮宗本山は重い罰金を払わなくてなら ない事になった。従来の 研究は 安土宗論を信長の日蓮宗弾圧政略として、その内容については無視する研究が多 い。しかし、宗論に関する史料は矛盾だらけで、宗論の真相は不明である。今 回の報告では、安土宗論に関する史料の由来を調べて、その信頼性を明らかにしたいと思う。

Sunaga Shinobu: Kingship and Local Elites in Eastern Japan in the Sixth Century

Kingship and Local Elites in Eastern Japan in the Sixth Century 古代王権と東国豪族

SUNAGA Shinobu, Ph.D. Candidate in History, Meiji University 須永 忍

This paper discusses the relationship between the king in the central government and local elites in eastern Japan in the sixth century. The king depended upon local elites in eastern Japan because those elites were militaristic in nature. As exemplified by the Jinshin Rebellion of 672, the central government looked to local elites in eastern Japan to recruit soldiers. Royal guards were usually recruited from among the loyal and brave soldiers who were relatives of local elites in eastern Japan. Indeed such elites played an important role in ancient history.  

Archaeologically, large quantities of horse trappings, iron armor, decorated swords, and bronze bowls have been excavated from sixth- and seventh-century tumuli in eastern Japan, thereby demonstrating the militaristic culture of eastern local elites. Decorated swords and bronze bowls that reflect the heavy influence of Buddhism reflect a strong relationship with the central government.

In the six century and after, the number of tumuli drastically increased. There must have been many reasons for this, and I interpret this as a result of local elites competing with one another and of unstable assertion of local dominance. In order for local elites to cope with these difficulties, I speculate that local elites in eastern Japan sought for a closer relationship with the central government. This was the reason why local elites were willing to provide the central government with royal guards and other soldiers. In return, local elites were given horses and iron armor as well as other prestige goods. Owing to these give-and-take relationships, in the sixth century the king in the central government and local elites in eastern Japan became more dependent on each other than they had been earlier.

Presentation handout

本報告は、日本における古代王権と東国豪族の関係について考察したものである。王権は、東国の豪族を重要な権力基盤として依存していたが、それは東国豪族が強い軍事的性格を持ち、さらに王権と密接な関係も有していたためである。

古代の内乱・政変の特色として、皇位継承争いである壬申の乱に象徴されるように、東国の豪族を頼る傾向がある。東国の豪族は、皇族や貴族から大きく依存されていたと評価でき、古代史において重要な歴史的役割を担っていたと考えることができる。また、天皇を護衛した舎人は、静岡県・長野県以東の東国豪族の一族であり、忠誠的で勇猛な武人と評価されるようになった。

考古学から東国をみてみると、６世紀以降における静岡県・長野県以東の東国豪族の古墳からは、馬具が多く発見されており、軍事的に重要な馬の飼育・運用が盛んであったことを示す。さらに、防具となる小札甲も多数出土しており、それは全国の半数を占めている。また、金や銀で飾られた装飾大刀や、仏教との関係が深い先進的な文物である銅鋺などの威信財も東国に偏在している。

６世紀以降、東国では有力な古墳の数が急激に増加し、これは東国の豪族が林立するようになった様相を示している。それは同時に東国の豪族間の競合や対立関係を生じさせ、地域支配力が不安定になったことを意味する。多くの東国の豪族は、こうした状況を克服するために王権とさらに強く結びつくことを求め、舎人などを輩出するようになったと考えられる。王権はそうした東国の豪族に対し、その見返りとして馬や小札甲という最新の軍事技術や威信財などを提供することによって、強固な支配関係を確立させたと評価できる。その結果、王権と密接な関係を成立させ、最新の軍事技術を獲得した豪族が東国に偏在するようになったと考えられる。
王権は、こうした東国豪族を重要視し、大きく依存するようになったと考えられる。

Sasaki Ken’ichi: Changes in Elite Symbolism From Keyhole Tombs to Buddhist Temples in Seventh-century Japan

Changes in Elite Symbolism From Keyhole Tombs to Buddhist Temples in Seventh-century Japan
Ken’ichi SASAKI, Professor of Archaeology, Meiji University

It is a widely accepted hypothesis that, once the construction of keyhole-tombs as the symbol of authority declined toward the end of the sixth century, square tumuli took over for a while in the middle seventh century, and eventually the practice of mound construction as the symbol of authority was replaced by the practice of building Buddhist temples by the end of the seventh century. This is indeed the case in many regions of Japan. For example, at the Ryukakuji tumulus group site in northern Chiba Prefecture (old province of Shimôsa), an early seventh-century keyhole tomb, a mid-seventh-century large square tumulus, and a late seventh-century Buddhist temple are all located in close vicinity. At the same time recent results of archaeological excavations show a wide variety of patterns of change in elite symbolism. For instance in southern Ibaraki (old province of Hitachi), a Buddhist temple was erected in the late seventh century in an area where a giant fifth-century keyhole tomb was built, but there are no sixth-century keyhole tombs or seventh- century square tumuli. I intend to present the results of my recent research on this thee, which indicate a variety of patterns in the shift from keyhole tombs to Buddhist temples.

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Powerpoint presentation part 2

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Handout

Yanagisawa Nana: Production and Consumption of Salt and the Ritsuryō Tax System

Production and Consumption of Salt and the Ritsuryō Tax System 塩の生産・消費と律令税制
YANAGISAWA NanaJapan Society for the Promotion of Science Postdoctoral Fellow Meiji University 柳沢 菜々

Salt is a nutrient essential to human life. As rock salt is difficult to procure in the Japanese archipelago, in ancient times the prevailing system of salt production was to boil down seawater in clay pots to draw out the salt. This presentation focuses on salt production and consumption, and in the process I will also note the special characteristics of the economic foundations of the eighth-century tennō and nobility, as well as the ritsuryō tax system.

    In the ritsuryō system, salt was one of the goods collected as tribute (chō). In the Heijō palace and capital ruins, we have found large numbers of wooden slips (mokkan) evidencing goods that were shipped to the capital, and these show that salt was an important tribute good. Many of those wooden tags show that salt was shipped from Wakasa and Suō provinces. However, many clay pots used for salt production that have been found in the Heijō capital are from the Bi-san Seto Inland Sea region (Bizen, Bitchû, Bingo, Sanuki) or from the Osaka Bay area. These were not provinces mandated to provide salt as a tribute item.

In other words, some types of salt brought to Heijō capital were transported with a packaging slip attached, but others were not. Specifically salt that came affixed with a packaging tag was collected and sent as a tax good. Wakasa province was extremely small, but it put tremendous efforts into producing salt to be collected for tribute goods. Furthermore I hypothesize that the Takahashi family, that was traditionally responsible for conducting the religious rites associated with the tennō’s dining needs, had strong ties to Wakasa province. Other provinces that, similar to Wakasa, were small, also had deep connections with the Takahashi, and were characterized by their production of tribute goods. They were Shima, Awa (near Tokyo Bay), and Izu. Their residents gathered seaweed, abalone, and wrasses as tribute. Salt, seaweed, abalone, and wrasses were all important offerings for religious rites. The tennō gathered tribute goods from the entire country to be used as offerings for the religious rites he performed to demonstrate his rulership. Salt gathered as a tribute good in Wakasa symbolically showed the tennō’s reign over the area, and the production process was meant to do just such.

The second-largest numbers of packaging tags, those denoting Suō salt, were all unearthed at the residence of Prince Nagaya, and they are thought to have been affixed to offerings presented from Prince Nagaya’s sustenance residence units (fuko). Since such offerings were brought to the capital as tribute goods, they had tags affixed. At Prince Nagaya’s residence, the salt gathered as tribute from sustenance households was consumed—in other words, royals and nobles obtained their salt from sustenance residence units.

    On the other hand, the salt transported without tags from Osaka Bay environs and elsewhere was handled differently than were ritsuryō taxes. Nobles and major temples were proprietors of regions in the mountains that provided fuel (firewood) for the production of salt, and they managed locations for salt production separate from sustenance residence units.

    From this outline of eighth-century salt production and consumption, the following points are notable. Under the ritsuryō system, the sustenance residence units that were the economic foundation of the nobility carried on a proprietary system that preexisted the ritsuryô codes. But the management of that earlier system was folded into the activities of provincial governors, and after tribute goods were collected as taxes and sent to the capital, the governors were charged with seeing that the requisite offerings were distributed to each sustenance unit proprietor.

The basic principle of the tribute collection system was to procure offerings for religious rites that would demonstrate support for the tennō.  Wakasa, Shima, and other provinces that collected tribute offerings played a special symbolic role, one of which they were very conscious. Also residents of sustenance residence units paid tribute as subjects of the tennō, while the ô provided for aristocrats by giving them tribute offerings. Such practices visualized and elaborated the ideology of the ritsuryō state that placed the tennō at the pinnacle of its organization. One caveat, however: we need to remember that the aristocracy had long managed landholdings separately from sustenance residence units, and such landholdings were not entirely folded into the ritsuryō system.

Presentation PDF

塩は人間が生きていくために欠かせない栄養素のひとつである。日本列島では岩塩などは手に入りにくく、古代においては、土器で海水を煮詰めて塩をとりだす土器製塩が主流であった。本報告では、塩の生産と消費に注目することで、八世紀における天皇や貴族の経済基盤、および律令税制の特徴について考えてみたい。
塩は律令制では調の品目のひとつとされている。平城宮・京跡からは、調の塩につけられていた荷札木簡が多数みつかっており、若狭国、次いで周防国の塩荷札木簡が多い。しかし、平城京でみつかる製塩土器は備讃瀬戸内・大阪湾沿岸のものが多く、荷札木簡から判明する塩貢納国と一致しない。平城京に運び込まれる塩には、荷札をつけて運ばれるものと荷札をつけないものが存在した。

荷札をつけて運ばれた塩は、税としておさめられた塩である。若狭国は非常に小さい国であるが、国をあげて調として納入する塩の生産に取り組んでいた。また、天皇の食膳に関する神事を伝統的に掌ってきた一族である高橋氏が、若狭国との強い関係性を主張している。若狭と同様に小国で、高橋氏との関係が深く、調の生産に特徴をもっている国に志摩、安房、伊豆があり、調として海藻、鰒、堅魚をおさめている。塩・海藻・鰒・堅魚は神事に用いる最も主要な供物である。調には天皇がおこなう神事の供物を全国から集め、天皇による支配を示す意味があり、若狭がおさめる調の塩は天皇の支配を示す象徴的なものとして、生産体制が整えられていた。

二番目に点数の多い周防の塩の荷札は、全て長屋王の邸宅跡から出土しており、長屋王の封戸からの進上物につけられていたものとみられる。封戸の進上物は調として都に運ばれるため、荷札木簡がつけられた。長屋王邸では封戸から調として納入された塩が消費されていたのであり、貴族層は封戸からの収入によって塩を得ていた。
一方、荷札をつけずに大阪湾沿岸などから運ばれてきた塩は、律令による税の収取とは別に流通していた塩であった。貴族層や大寺院は塩生産に使う燃料（薪）の供給源となる山を所有し、封戸とは別に製塩場の経営をおこなっていた。

このような八世紀における塩の生産・消費の様相から、以下のことが指摘できる。律令制下において貴族層の経済基盤として設定されていた封戸は、当初は律令制以前の所領関係を引き継ぐ形で設定されたが、その経営は所在地の国司による行政に組み込まれ、進上物は調などの税として都に納入された後に各封主に分配される仕組みになっていた。調貢納制には天皇の支配を示すための神事の供物を調達するという理念があり、若狭や志摩など、供物の調達を特別に意識づけられた国が象徴的な役割を担った。封戸の民も天皇支配下の公民として調を納入したのであり、貴族は天皇から与えられる恩典として封戸の進上物を受け取ることとされ、天皇を頂点とする律令国家のイデオロギーが表されている。だが一方で、貴族層は封戸とは別に古くからの所領経営を続けており、家政機関がその運営を担った。これらの所領は、律令制の枠組みにおいて規定しきれなかった側面である。

Michelle Damian: All Ports Are Not Created Equal: A Typology of Late Medieval Inland Sea Ports

All Ports Are Not Created Equal: A Typology of Late Medieval Inland Sea Ports 中世後半期瀬戸内海港の比較と類型
Michelle Damian, Doctoral Candidate in History, USC

In this talk I will introduce a working hypothetical framework for assessing the types of port communities along the late medieval Seto Inland Sea. Though most of the islands were populated and many of their port names appear in the written record, different areas played different roles. I am exploring the concept that ports can be broadly categorized as “production ports” or “shipping ports.” While these were not mutually exclusive functions, ports tended to have one role or another. The former were usually smaller ports in residential areas, close to a production center for a particular item. Ports such as Yuge (Iyo province), which was known for its salt production, or Inbe (Bizen province) near the kilns famous for producing Bizen pottery, were possible representatives of production ports, with the goods shipped from those ports largely corresponding to the locally produced items. The best known and most studied “shipping ports” were larger ports such as Onomichi and Hyōgo, which became central hubs for shipping and transshipping goods.   

I contend that shipping ports were not exclusively large ports, however, and that certain smaller ports played a vital role in transshipping specialty items in particular. For instance Takasaki and Kamagari in Aki Province were critical stopping points for goods from Kyushu, and Yura on Awaji was an important center for processed lumber (planks) that possibly originated from the Kii peninsula. I will look at “what makes a port” – the infrastructure, setting, and people associated with the location – and I will also explore the different types of ports so that we can better understand shipping networks in the late medieval Seto Inland Sea.    

この報告では、中世後半期瀬戸内海の港の類型論についての仮説を紹介する。数多くの港名が史料に残っているにもかかわらず、詳細な研究のなされた一部の場所を除けば、その具体的な役割は明らかではない場合が殆どである地域により役割が異なり、そして大きく「生産港」と「運搬港」に分類できると考え、その存在を探りたい。もちろん同時に生産も運搬も行われたが、大体どちらかが主だった。一般的に「生産港」は比較的小型で、生産地に近かった。例えば、製塩業で有名な伊予国の弓削嶋や備前焼きの窯が近くにあった備前国伊部は「生産港」と言えるだろう。一方、尾道や兵庫は、年貢・商品をよく運んだことから、代表的な「運搬港」と呼べるだろう。

しかし、「運搬港」の全ては大きな港に限られず、小さな港でも荷物を積み替える重要な役割を果たした場合もあった。例えば、安芸国の高崎・蒲刈で九州からの商品を積み替えた例や、淡路国の由良港で紀伊半島で取れた槫を積み替えたと推測できる事例がある。この報告では特に、港のインフラ、地域、住民などの状態を検討しながら「港というのは何だろう」という質問に答えたい。また、港のそれぞれの種類を分析することで、中世後半期瀬戸内海の海運交通ネットワークをより深く理解することを目指したい。